Burning Coligny and irresponsabile politicians

Let’s start at the beginning. The date is April 20 and a black youth lies dying on a lonely road in an iconic Highveld landscape. Mealies march over the horizon in all directions. There are grain silos in the distance.

Sun glints off the tin roofs of a nearby shack settlement, home of the boy lying in the dust at our feet. Between us and his parents’ shack is a vast sunflower field owned by Pieter Karsten, a leading farmer and businessman in the town of Coligny. The crop is worth tens of thousands of rands, and it is slowly vanishing. Kids in the squatter settlement are hungry. It’s laughably easy for them to nip over the fence, nick a few sunflower seeds and roast them over a fire.

Karsten has tasked two employees to prevent such pilferage. Phillip Schutte, 34, and Pieter Doorewaard, 26, are said by their supporters to be decent young men, raised in Christian homes, responsible and well-mannered. Over recent months, they’ve caught several kids helping themselves to Karsten’s crop. In every case, they loaded the offenders onto the back of a bakkie and delivered them into the hands of the police, who phoned their parents and released them with a warning. It is common cause that none of these citizen’s arrests involved violence.

Today is different. There stands Schutte and Doorwaard’s bakkie. Here lies a boy with a broken neck. Their version: they caught two teenagers stealing sunflower seeds. One ran away. They ordered the second onto the back of their bakkie and were heading towards the police station when he made a break for it, leaping off the vehicle as it slowed to take a corner, breaking his neck.

But there is another version, put forward by a thus-far nameless black man who told reporters and police he saw Schutte and Doorewaard beating the black boy to a bloody pulp, and that they threatened to murder him if he did not keep his mouth shut.

These contradictions could have been resolved by a swift and effective investigation. There were other witnesses, most important of whom was the alleged sunflower thief’s companion; if the police had found him in time, his testimony could have proved crucial. The same applies to witnesses who told reporters they saw a bakkie speeding past in the distance, stopping and returning to the spot where the youth lay dying; they too have yet to surface.

Read more: ‘The parents are devastated and resting at home’ – Coligny school principal

Also missing at the crucial moment were the results of a post-mortem which surely established the true cause of death; human violence leaves injuries very different from those caused by a high-speed tumble onto a rough dirt road. But the SAPS moves at a leisurely pace and sometimes doesn’t move at all; after 10 days, detectives hadn’t even established the boy’s identity, even though he lived within sight of the spot where he died. These uncertainties created a vacuum, and into the vacuum rushed a set of volatile ideas. One of these was ideological, but we will deal with that later. The other was racial.

Coligny is a place where grim conclusions come easily to some people. In the apartheid era, Afrikaners were stern masters of this landscape, administering discipline to their labourers as they saw fit, sometimes with fist and sjambok. Such incidents began to taper off after Eugene Terre’Blanche was imprisoned for savagely assaulting a cheeky petrol attendant in neighbouring Ventersdorp, and these days, they are vanishingly rare. But black people remember, and harbour deep resentment. They say Afrikaners still treat them rudely, and some tell you they’re still afraid of “the Boers.” It was but a small step from there to conclude that the death in the sunflower field just had to be a racist murder.

Around sunset on Sunday April 23, foreign traders in Coligny’s satellite township were visited by a mysterious man they knew only as “Tebele”. Tebele warned that an upheaval was coming, but since it had nothing to do with them, they would be safe if they just closed their shops and kept a low profile. Tebele is also said to have visited township schools the following morning, asking or ordering headmasters to release all pupils to join a protest targeted at Dooreward and Schutte, the white community that was supposedly shielding them, and the police who had thus far failed to arrest them.

The gutted house of an Indian businessman from Coligny. Photo: Jonathan Katzenellenbogen

A few minutes later, Dutch Reformed Church dominee MH Pieters got a call from a policeman warning that a large crowd was on its way into town and that the police could do nothing, because there were only five officers on duty and no reinforcements available thanks to violent service delivery protests in nearby Blydeville and Lichtenburg.

Judging by cellphone videos shot by apprehensive whites, the opening movement of Tebele’s protest was fairly orderly; a throng of mostly schoolchildren marched or ran unopposed through the town’s business district, breaking the odd window and kicking down the doors of the town’s only hotel, which is owned by Pieter Karsten, employer of the accused. When they got to the far end they found their way barred by a handful of white farmers, so they turned around, pausing to loot Karsten’s bar as they passed.

After that it was quiet for a while, but then police asked the farmers to withdraw on the grounds that their presence was "provocative". According to dominee Pieters, the Boers obliged and withdrew to protect Najaarsrus, the local old age home. At this point protesters realised the coast was clear and returned, their ranks swollen by hundreds of adults. There followed 24 hours of near-anarchy. All bottle stores in the business district were trashed and looted, most businesses too. Three houses were set alight, and six terrified white girls trapped in the ransacked hotel had to be rescued by what they called "the Boeremag" but which turned out to be the local farm patrol.

Read more: 4 houses burnt in renewed Coligny violence

As word spread on social media, Afrikaners for hundreds of kilometers around began to mobilise and roll into Coligny to save their brethren. Some were armed, and ordentelike citizens didn’t like the look of them. As one put it, “The last thing we needed at that point was trigger-happy right-wingers shooting people in the streets,” so local Afrikaners set up roadblocks and politely asked strangers to go home, which was pretty brave, considering that night was falling and there was still no sign of strong police reinforcements. Many thought they’d be protected by God. Some put their faith in the essentially good nature of their black neighbours.

One of these was Diana Swart, a vivacious woman who used to manage the town’s multi-racial under-21 rugby team and make dresses for black girls who wanted to look beautiful at Coligny High School’s multi-racial matric ball. After dark, she sat under a tree outside her house, watching shadowy figures carrying looted TVs and beer crates back to the township. “My sons wanted to get me out,” she says, “but I wasn’t scared. I never thought anyone would harm me.” She was wrong. When the sun came up, her house was surrounded by a mob that threatened her with knives and then burned her house down, with her beloved dogs trapped inside.

By then, all the foreign traders’ shops in the townships had been burned out and looted too. There were 53 of them, and they didn’t really make news, even though they were by far the saddest victims of phase one of the battle of Coligny.

I found some of them in a makeshift refugee camp outside the town’s mosque, a throng of wretched Bangladeshis left with nothing but the clothes they stood up in and handfuls of ash that used to be their life savings. A tragic refrain ran through all their stories, and it went like this. “We know we are not really welcome here, so we try hard to make friends. We try to speak the language. We give presents to policemen so they will protect us. We help struggling people with credit, but when the looting started, families I know very well came with their children to carry my stock away.” One added: “A black person has no heart.” Then he gave me his name and phone number and said, “I don’t care if you identify me, I have nothing left to lose.”

A Bangladeshi business owner shows what remains of his savings after his shop was set on fire. Photo: Jonathan Katzenellenbogen

Locals were more cautious. A house belonging to one of the town’s old Indian families was burned down, but Indians wouldn’t talk about it "because that will only make things worse for us". The few whites who were willing to be interviewed tended to cloak their true feelings in PC newspeak, and most blacks walked away when I asked awkward questions like, who organised this thing? Or, who is Tebele? Or, do you approve of school children being used in this way?

After one too many rebuffs of this nature, I walked back to the magistrate’s court, where the accused’s bail hearing was underway. On most mornings last week, there was a hard core of 15 to 20 militants toyi-toying outside the court, some wearing EFF red, but most wearing ANC yellow. Soon as school let out, though, the crowd swelled and reporters were treated to the spectacle of hundreds of excited youngsters chanting, "The police are thugs and whites are killers".

Their colour was school uniform, and they were oddly friendly, considering my white skin. They said the EFF and ANC had formed a united front to oppose bail for the “racist murderers,” and that the town would be burned to the ground if the accused weren’t kept behind bars. I didn’t take them seriously. They were children, and by last week, the police seemed to be firmly back in control, thanks to the deployment of 130 public order officers from elsewhere in the country. By late Friday afternoon my inquiry seemed to have reached a dead end, so I decided to go home and come back once things had calmed down.

I should make it clear at this point that I was sent to Coligny to write an in-depth piece about the violence and its underlying causes. After three days, I was still clueless, although it seemed clear that the alleged sunflower thief died at a convenient moment for the local ANC, which was facing violent protests across the troubled Ditsobotla District Municipality. In towns like Blydeville and Lichtenburg, the burning issues were corruption, incompetence, potholed roads, broken sewerage plants and intermittent water supply. The ANC-run municipality is hopelessly bankrupt, with debts of R323 million, four consecutive negative reports from the Auditor-General and a manager who has faced serious fraud allegations.

Black people in Coligny have similar complaints, and were in a mutinous mood long before the looting started. Against this backdrop, a nameless corpse in the government mortuary might have presented itself as a useful distraction. Which is to say, a chance for local ANC leaders to change the subject, shift the focus of rage to whites and demonstrate that their balls were still as big, red and militant as the EFF’s.

But this was just a theory at that point. I hadn’t interviewed any local politicians. I had no idea what they were thinking until I woke up the next morning to find that a new drama was unfolding in Coligny. By that time, the boy from the sunflower field had been identified as 16-year-old Matlhomola Mosweu, and now his funeral was set to take place. The location was a giant tent outside Coligny’s shack settlement, and the keynote speaker was Supra Mahumapelo, ANC premier of the North West and an important ally of President Jacob Zuma.

According to a Twitter feed from News24 reporter Jeanette Chabalala, Mahumapelo began by stating there was “no confusion” about at whose hands Mosweu had died. This was odd. On Friday afternoon, the magistrate presiding over the bail hearing indicated that aspects of the evidence against the accused were confusing. “One of your witnesses says this, the other says that,” he told prosecutors. “It’s like a soccer player scoring goals on one side of the field while his team-mates score own goals on the other.” As previously stated, the police investigation was still in its infancy; key witnesses had yet to be traced, forensic evidence was lacking and the cause of death remained unknown. Beyond that, doubts had emerged about the credibility of the anonymous witness who claimed to have seen Doorewaard and Schutte beating Mosweu; it seems he told one version of that tale to a TV crew, and a significantly different one to police.

But Mahumapelo was immune to doubt. “Had they caught a white child, I don’t think they would have done it,” he thundered. “I have a problem with white superiority in this country. White people continue to control the land and the banks. We are going to call all the white people and tell them they are visitors in this country.” He was speaking from a podium recently vacated by Mxolisi Bomvana of teachers’ union Sadtu, the largest trade union still loyal to Jacob Zuma’s ANC. His message: “I don’t think what happened is the will of God. It is the racists of our time. (Mosweu) is gone because a racist decided to kill a black person.”

The third speaker at the funeral was Packet Seakotso, provincial secretary of Sanco, another key element of the Zuma’s grand alliance. His role was to inform the community about plans for the following Monday, when Magistrate Magoala Foso was expected to rule on Schutte and Doorewaard’s bail application. Seakotso didn’t exactly call for the town to be burned down, but he did indicate that direction action was imminent. “We are going to meet at the old municipal building,” he said. “We are closing the roads in an effort to oppose bail.”

Can we pause here to consider the significance of what you have just read? When the troubles in Coligny began, we were told that they were a “spontaneous” expression of the people’s righteous anger. Maybe so, but what we saw at the funeral was something else entirely. Mahumapelo and his comrades are ranking members of Jacob Zuma’s faction. They could have condemned the violence. They could have apologised to the 53 Bangladeshis, Somalis and Ethiopians who lost their livelihoods. They could have called for calm, and advised their followers to delay further protests until the facts were in. Instead, they chose to further inflame racial passions and collectively endorse a second round of protests in a town already smashed by rioting. I doubt this was an emotional error. To me, it looked like a coldly logical part of the Zuma administration’s survival strategy, which rests largely on scapegoating whites in the manner pioneered by Mugabe, endorsed in 2010 by Malema and recently adapted into Zuma’s plans for “radical economic transformation”.

Workers load food on a bakkie to go to struggling families. Photo: Jonathan Katzenellenbogen

The rest of it you know; at 10.30 on Monday, magistrate Foso announced that the law and his reading of the circumstances required him to set the murder accused free on bail. Within minutes, a white-owned farm on the outskirts of town was set on fire. By the time police arrived, a second fire had been set elsewhere, and then a third and a fourth, this time the home of an Indian businessman. Unhinged by the loss of his house, a farmer pulled a gun and attacked a cameraman for trespassing on his land. Police fought running battles with stone-throwing youth, using rubber bullets and stun grenades. By sunset, a measure of order had been restored, but the situation remained extremely tense, and racial minorities faced the night in a state of dread. “South Africa is finished,” an old Indian gentleman told me. “Soon this will spread everywhere.”

Ah, this country. Where did our glory go? Coligny was a sad and depressed place before these troubles began, and now it’s worse. Aside from Pieter Karsten and a few others, it is a town of poor whites and retired railway workers, struggling to survive on state grants and charity. Shops are shabby, houses dilapidated, roads potholed and full of sewage. Some houses in town have been on the market for years, but there are no buyers.

The surrounding farmland was once extremely valuable, but now it’s unsalable too, thanks to the sword of imminent nationalisation hanging over farmers’ heads. The town’s racial minorities are frightened and isolated, and the position of blacks is even more desperate. Exact figures are not available, but township residents say unemployment is around 80 percent. More than half of the populace is still waiting for flush toilets, and almost every family depends to some extent on social grants for its survival.

This makes Coligny a South African everyplace, and thus fertile ground for politicians trying to manufacture anti-white rage, either as a tool to gain power or in the case of Zuma, to hold onto it by inventing an enemy whose defeat will usher the masses into the utopia of full economic freedom, where everyone has a nice life “like the whites.” This is a cruel and tragic hoax. The big money fled this country long ago. Whites are a tiny and dwindling minority, well on their way to absolute irrelevance. In Coligny and surrounding towns, only one percent of the populace earns more than R600 000 a year, while 87 percent fall below the tax threshold; numbers like these suggest that taking everything from whites and redistributing it to the poor would make barely a dent in black poverty. And the price to be paid for that redistribution would be terrifying; total loss of investor confidence, capital flight, decimation of jobs, collapse of the tax base, end of the social grants, and ultimately, a fate far worse than Zimbabwe’s, because where will our refugees go?

South Africa is a country where many possible futures beckon. One of these is on display in Coligny, and it’s ugly for everyone. Another, better outcome is still possible. We should grasp it before it vanishes.

– Rian Malan is an acclaimed journalist and author of My Traitor’s Heart and Resident Alien.

Source: http://m.news24.com/news24/Columnists/GuestColumn/the-shape-of-things-to-come-20170509

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Killing Private Medical Aid

Durban – Medical Aid Schemes are a “crime against humanity” and should be abolished because they cannot co-exist with the government’s proposed National Health Insurance (NHI) scheme.

SA Health Professions Council president Dr Kgosi Letlape told academics and medical professionals at a discussion on whether the NHI white paper meets human rights objectives of the constitution, that private medical aids and the Medical Schemes Act should be abolished if the NHI was to provide universal health care access for all citizens.

Letlape was speaking at a public discussion at the University of KwaZulu-Natal in Durban on Friday.

“There can be no national health if it is not for all of us. You try to engage about NHI with the privileged, and they say ‘don’t touch my medical aid’. Medical aid is a crime against humanity. It is an atrocity.”

Letlape said Health Minister Aaron Motsoaledi did not seem to have much support for NHI, and people such as parliamentarians and judges also had an attitude of “don’t touch my medical aid”.

However, he said it was possible to provide universal health care, which was not a new concept, as the country previously had one of the best health-care systems in the world under apartheid.

“South African whites had health for all. By 1967 they had a system that could give somebody a heart transplant for no payment. At the point of service, there were no deductibles, the doctor was on a salary and everyone could access health care.”

But when the Medical Schemes Act was created 50 years ago, the exodus of medical professionals from the public to the private sector began, Letlape said.

He estimated there were between 3000 and 4000 medical professionals working for medical schemes that could be redistributed to the health system if schemes were abolished.

Dr Mfowethu Zungu, deputy director-general for Macro Policy, Planning and NHI at the KZN Health Department said only 48% of expenditure on health in South Africa was spent in the public sector, which served 87% of the population.

The balance was spent in the private sector, which served medical aid members, who comprised around 17% of the population.

Dr Hanif Vally, deputy director of the Foundation for Human Rights SA, said medical aid created a divide, as 50% of the country’s doctors and an even greater number of specialists served around 18% of the country’s citizens, who had access to the private sector.

“Medical professionals are going into private practice, inequalities are being worsened and people are not realising their constitutional rights."

Heath Department deputy director-general for Health Regulation and Compliance Management, Dr Anban Pillay, said the provision of universal health care for all citizens was critical.

“We currently have a system where people access care based on what they can afford. Clearly, there are a number of barriers to access, particularly in the lower socio-economic groups. NHI is a massive reorganisation of the public and private health-care system.”

Pillay said the poor were often most in need of health care, and funding for NHI would come from taxpayers based on a principal of social solidarity.

“Social solidarity means we all contribute to a fund, so that when I am sick I will have access to health care. But maybe I may never need to (access), but somebody else will.

“It’s not a concept South Africans are particularly used to in the current context. If you look at your medical scheme environment, which an individual contributes to as an insurance, you have a particular entitlement – it’s your money. This is very different to how the NHI works.”

In younger, healthier years, South Africans would contribute to the fund and were likely to derive benefits from that contribution only later in life.

“The young and healthy should subsidise the sick and old. This is not about investing in something where you are going to derive some profit. It’s investing in society so you can build society,” Pillay added.

Source: http://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/abolish-private-medical-aid-7631962

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Baby weighing 525g survives without intensive care in Bloemfontein

Kimberley – The “miracle” baby who weighed just 525g when she was born in an ambulance rushing her mom to a Kakamas hospital and has never been on life support, has astounded doctors.

Lee-Anne Adonis now weighs 625g, Netwerk24 reported.

Lee-Ann was born prematurely between 22 and 25 weeks in an ambulance on January 12 with the aid of a midwife. She was airlifted to the Bloemfontein Mediclinic, where Dr Jaco Neser treated her.

Neser said everything was perfect: her lungs were amazing, the heart fine, her sugar levels normal and her blood count like that of an adult.

She had been breathing on her own since birth. Neser said he had treated many premature babies, but never one who did not need life support.

‘A small miracle’

“I’ve never seen anything like this. Everything about her is special. A small miracle. She will develop just like any other premature baby.”

There was no indication that Lee-Anne sustained permanent damage.

Lee-Anne’s mother, Antoinette, a housewife from Nababeep in Namaqualand, only found out she was pregnant about two weeks before the infant’s birth.

Lee-Anne’s sudden arrival was a shock for her and her husband John, but also a pleasant surprise, she said.

“I wasn’t prepared at all. We hadn’t even bought her clothes yet.”

All she wants now, is to hold her baby in her arms.

“I am sad. She is thousands of kilometres from me, but as soon as I have enough money, I will buy a bus ticket to visit her.”

Hospital spokesperson Barbara Steenkamp said Lee-Anne was being treated in an incubator in the ICU for premature babies and being tube-fed.

“She is a special child who has crept into our hearts.”

Source: http://www.msn.com/en-za/news/other/miracle-baby-astounds-doctors/ar-AAmwPXg?li=BBqg6Q6&ocid=UP97DHP

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Sa last in math and science

The World Economic Forum (WEF) has released its Global Information Technology Report 2016, which ranked South Africa last in mathematics and science education quality.

South Africa also finished close to last – 137 out of 139 countries – when looking at the overall quality of its education system.

The WEF’s 2016 report ranks SA’s mathematics and science education quality lower than that of Nigeria, Mozambique, and Malawi.

This is the third year in a row that South Africa has finished last in the World Economic Forum’s mathematics and science education quality rankings.

It should be noted that these rankings are based on the perceptions of business leaders, and make use of the WEF’s annual Executive Opinion Survey to establish how well a country’s education system is performing.

In this survey, the opinions of business leaders are gathered on a variety of topics.

The rankings therefore detail the perceived quality of mathematics and science education systems.

Source: http://mybroadband.co.za/news/general/171141-south-africa-finishes-last-in-wefs-2016-mathematics-and-science-education-ranking.html

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Barclays disinvesting from South Africa

Johannesburg – Barclays is poised to lose around £400m of the £3.8bn capital it invested over the past decade into South Africa’s leading retail bank, Absa.

Although the SA operation’s profit performance in local currency terms has been adequate, a continued slide in the value of the Rand means that in the currency that matters for the UK group, Pound Sterling, the value of the injected capital has fallen by 12%.

Just over a decade ago, in May 2005, Barclays invested £2.6bn to acquire 56.4% of the Absa Group. This shareholding was raised to 62.3% in July 2013 when it accepted Absa shares in return for injecting £1.2bn worth of other African banking assets into the SA group, which was then renamed Barclays Africa.

This morning the Financial Times of Londonreported that the UK group is set to announce the divestment of its stake in Barclays Africa on Tuesday when it reports its 2015 financial results.


This has been on the cards since the financial shock created by Nenegate on December 9 last year.

At Friday’s closing level of the JSE-listed operation’s shares, the stake which Barclays owns translates into a recoupment of £3.4bn (R76bn) on the £3.8bn it paid for them over the past decade.

Although Barclays has received dividends during the period when it controlled Absa, those inflows would not have covered the costs incurred in servicing the invested capital.

Two days after Nenegate, BizNews reported that the UK’s largest retail bank Barclays had decided to offload its R120bn South African subsidiary Absa.

That marked a significant reversal in a strategy which has seen SA’s largest retail bank progressively change its image – with the Absa red and name progressively giving way to Barclays blue – including the listed company whose name was changed to Barclays Africa.

But according to the Financial Times of London, the new Barclays management team has gone through the motions over the past three months and is set to confirm the biggest disinvestment in South Africa since the spate that hit the country during the mid 1980s.

Sceptics are concerned that the Barclays sale will spark a similar exodus.

Source: http://m.fin24.com/fin24/BizNews/falling-rand-means-barclays-to-lose-400m-on-decade-long-absa-investment-20160227

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SA farmers not thiefs. SA land grab similar to Zim’s

As I was contemplating this opinion piece, I remembered the old adage; if you tell a lie several times, you may end up believing it. Moreover, some of your listeners may start to believe your lie. That’s exactly what happened in Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwean government and its governing party’s propaganda created an impression that white farmers owned most of the country’s farming land. This was not true; Zimbabwean white farmers only owned about 20 percent of the land. The Zimbabwean government portrayed white farmers as the author of poverty among blacks. Again, this was not true because there were actually thriving black farmers in Zimbabwe, but their participation in farming was disrupted when the land grabs destroyed the value chain and agri-business. The government sponsored land grabs in Zimbabwe exacerbated poverty in that country.

There are lots of disturbing similarities between Zimbabwe and South Africa (SA). The South African public policy in agriculture and land affairs was meant to empower black people and to eradicate poverty. However, since the African National Congress’ (ANC) government introduced the minimum wage regime in the farming sector, more than one million jobs have been lost and the biggest losers are black farm workers. Where Zimbabwe once had a thriving agricultural sector, it has now been all but destroyed. This is also happening in SA – thanks to ill conceived public policy this country has now become a net importer of food and things are getting worse. While the Zanu PF government in Zimbabwe discouraged investors through its indigenisation policy (black empowerment), the South African government is contemplating a 50/50 redistribution land plan.

I don’t foresee the unconstitutional 50/50 redistribution land plan being implemented, but it has already created huge damage by discouraging foreign direct investments. Of course, local investments will also be negatively affected; farmers and banks will largely suspend investments in the agricultural sector due to policy uncertainty. Like the Zimbabwean farmers, some South African farmers will continue to leave this country. We used to have a thriving agricultural sector in SA, but our farmers have been forced into early retirement and migration. Twenty seven countries have approached the agricultural union, AgriSA to recruit our farmers to their countries. More than 800 South African commercial farmers have migrated to Mozambique; yes – SA is importing their products. Half of the farmers in Zambia are South Africans. Some foreign countries are offering 0% VAT on primary supply of agricultural products to our experienced farmers and some of these farmers have already benefited from the Georgian offer of 0% of property tax on property transaction.

The ANC and its government have created a narrative which portrays white farmers as thieves of land that rightfully belongs to the indigenous people of this country. Although these farmers benefited from the apartheid system, it’s disingenuous to attribute the 1913 Land Act to them; they were not yet born. On the other hand, the government’s bad public policy and corruption are responsible for escalating poverty in SA. It’s unfair to blame white farmers for the mismanagement of the land restitution; the blame should be attributed to the poor project management within the government. Most of the land that was attained by black farmers through the land restitution process is commercially redundant. The government failed to craft a Local Economic Development (LED) framework that will assist traditional communities to use the land commercially.

The Royal Bafokeng and Bakgatla-ba-Kgafela were able to formulate their own LED framework and governance structures. The upshot of this has been impressive economic development by these two traditional communities. My ‘thumb-suck’ estimations are that there are about 10 million beneficiaries of the land restitution policy who could maximise the acquired land commercially and become economically empowered. Interestingly, these people automatically acquired the mining rights when they received the land. It is very clear that the government has no plan for how to assist the people who have already acquired land.

If we are serious about fixing South Africa, we should create a public policy that would enable the ‘boer’ (farmer) to come back to farming and ‘maak ‘n plan’. Experienced farmers (white) and new (mostly black) farmers should work together. Black farmers will bring the land while their experienced counterparts bring their massive experience.

The ANC government and unions should start to appreciate the role of farmers in providing food security and creating jobs. Our public policy should be formulated in such a way that most experienced farmers can still own land because in the absence of land, banks won’t give them funding. Actually, all farmers should be given financial support and subsidies regardless of their race.

While the Asian countries and Europeans appreciate and empower their farmers, here in SA the ANC government treats them with contempt and suspicion; this should stop. Massive economic development in China and Asia were stimulated by a thriving agriculture sector. Growth in agriculture boosts productivity in manufacturing and services sectors – this leads to job creation.

Dagada is a Development Economist based at the Wits Business School.

Source: http://www.sabreakingnews.co.za/2014/07/01/economic-view-white-farmers-are-not-land-thieves/

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Education in SA: Is Verwoerd to blame?

Bantu Education: Destructive intervention or part reform?

As the crisis of education in black schools has worsened, or rather become more evident, so the tendency to "Blame Verwoerd" has intensified.

Senzo Mchunu, MEC for Education in Kwazulu-Natal, declared in late July: "One of the points we found was a problem in Maths and Science. It was Verwoerd who made the subjects difficult because he thought blacks would be a threat to him’.[1]

Addressing the Limpopo textbook crisis on Talk Radio 702, President Jacob Zuma said: "What is happening today is what Verwoerd did, where the black majority were historically not given education. We are dealing with a system that had put black people back for centuries." According to Zuma, Verwoerd created the textbook crisis in Limpopo. [2]

Redi Tlhabi, who interviewed Zuma on Talk Radio 702, expressed outrage over the president’s remark that he did not know who was to blame for the textbook scandal, but agreed with him about Verwoerd. "The president was right in that Verwoerd worked to create a system that was intent on stifling the black child and making sure that she or he did not thrive." She added: ‘Today, in 2012, I did not expect that the ‘liberation party [the ANC] would want to further Verwoerd’s goals: to keep the black child poor, uneducated and deprived." [3]

President Zuma’s comments attracted a retort from Mamphela Ramphele, a product of Bantu education and a previous UCT Vice-Chancellor. Speaking at an education conference she commented on the current state of black education: "The monumental failure in South Africa was not Hendrik Verwoerd’s fault but that of the current government". She continued: "Children under apartheid’s ‘gutter education’ were better educated than children are today."[4]

Hendrik Verwoerd, National Party Minister of Native Affairs from 1950 to 1958 and Prime Minister from 1958 to his assassination in 1966, remains one of the most complex figures in South African history. In the contemporary debate, he is, however, little more than a demonic figure, denounced and excoriated as the architect of all our misfortunes.

Equally, while his policy of Bantu Education looms large in the popular imagination it is very poorly understood. Despite the significant work that has recently been done by historians in this area, many opinion-formers’ knowledge of this policy does not stretch much beyond a notorious single quote by Verwoerd in a 1953 speech.

Although the Bantustans and Bantu education were inextricably linked, Bantu education could, to a considerable degree, also be considered on its own merits. This article attempts to focus only on some of the aspects of this system, such as funding and the relative value of mother tongue education, and not on the more ideological aspects like the attempt to use the schools to foster distinctive ethnic identities.

Verwoerd’s Bantu education signalled the introduction of mass education in South Africa. After 1994 a new regime has removed all forms of racial privilege, but black public schools remained in a state of crisis. It is important to go back to the founding years of the system to establish to what extent the roots of the crisis could be traced back to these years.

The indictment

The indictment of the education system Hendrik Verwoerd, Minister of Native Affairs, introduced in 1954 consists of several charges. The most important are:

He closed down a functioning system of black education that included some good mission schools like Lovedale and HealdtownHis policy based on ‘the assumption of an inferior potential of African minds’ was ‘explicitly designed to prepare blacks for a subordinate place in society.'[5]He discouraged the teaching of Mathematics and ScienceThe policy deliberately starved black education of funds

Closing down a functioning system?

Missionary societies dominated the provision of black and coloured education before the accession of the National Party to power in 1948. In 1939 the Minister of Education in the United Party government admitted that two-thirds of black children were without any school experience whatsoever.[6] During the war years the government improved the provision of education to blacks considerably, but by 1950 less than half of black children between the ages of 7 and 16 were attending school, and only 2.6% of black pupils were enrolled in post-primary standards. The average black child spent only four years in school.

Among the mission schools there were a few excellent high schools, but, as a historian commented, the renowned reputation of these schools ‘should not obscure the fact that most mission schools were poor primary schools with large dropout rates’ and that the ‘mission system was breaking down at all levels.'[7] With the demand for education growing rapidly, schools had to take in far more children than they could teach effectively.

The state helped by providing salaries for approved teaching posts, but overall state aid was insufficient in a modernising economy. School buildings were dilapidated and classes overcrowded. Most schools were understaffed and there was a severe shortage of competent teachers.

In the mid-1940s both the United Party government and the Natives Representative Council, the main body for articulating black opinion, sensed that the system of black education was in need of drastic overhaul. The main sticking points lay elsewhere. There was firstly the question of funding.

ZK Matthews, the leading black authority on education and a prominent member of the ANC, demanded the modernisation in terms that, implicitly at least, meant apportioning resources for equal educational opportunities. But whites baulked at the expense. RFA Hoernlé, a leading liberal, observed that while a large number of the white voters do not mind ‘native education’ as such, it would be suicide in most constituencies for a Member of Parliament ‘to advocate, let alone vote for, the proposal that whites should be taxed in order that natives could be educated.'[8]

Another major point of conflict was over the extent to which traditional black culture had to be made part of the school syllabus. Matthews argued for the ‘preservation of the African heritage and for using the powers of the vernacular languages to effect social rejuvenation.[9] Some ANC leaders, however, rejected any ‘Bantuization of native education’. Blacks had to be educated ‘to live side by side with Europeans’.[10] Developing proficiency in English was generally regarded as much more desirable than using the Bantu languages as media for instruction.

In 1954 the government took over the coloured and black schools that the state partly funded and moved control of black and coloured education from the provinces to central government. As part of his ambitious plan to overhaul black education Verwoerd insisted that black education had to be rooted in the ‘native community’. ‘It is in the interest of the Bantu that he be educated in his own circle. He must not become a black Englishman in order to be used against the Afrikaner.'[11]

To the extent that the policy tried to foster different ethnic identities in the black community it was a dismal failure, but that was not the sole rationale of the policy.[12] In , the decades that followed, however, the issues of promoting the Bantustan policy through the education policy and mother tongue education became hopelessly confused.

Both Werner Eiselen who headed the commission that laid the groundwork for Verwoerd’s policy, and Verwoerd himself, firmly believed in mother tongue education as the best form of education A Professor of Anthropology before he became a chief inspector of native education in the Transavaal, Eiselen had a great respect for the particularity of blacks and genuine concern for the preservation of Bantu language and culture.[13] To him there was little doubt that blacks would learn better through their own languages.

Verwoerd received his secondary school education in the medium of English in Milton Boys School in Bulawayo before enrolling at the University of Stellenbosch. He became the first student in the country to write his doctoral dissertation in Afrikaans. In 1924 he received his doctoral degree, a year before Afrikaans was proclaimed an official language. Afrikaans quickly developed from a low-status language to one that could be used in all walks of life. Afrikaans-speakers, along with English speakers, now began to experience the benefits of what language expert Neville Alexander called "mother-tongue education from cradle to university."[14]

Bantu education, as introduced by Verwoerd in 1954, entailed the provision of eight years of mother tongue medium education (MTE). In addition well-trained teachers and competent speakers of English and Afrikaans taught these languages as second languages. In the ninth year of school, students were expected to switch to learning through the two second languages, Afrikaans and English.

The department laid down the principle that it would not use African languages as media of instruction in secondary school until the black community requested it. An education advisory council, which was established in terms of the policy, polled the boards of control of black school all over the country to asses their support for different options: It provided the following result[15]:

1 Afrikaans and English 64%
2 Only Afrikaans 5%
3 Only English 31%
4 Mother tongue 1%

The scant support for mother tongue as medium of instruction in the two highest school standards is an important indication the black population – unlike the Afrikaans one – were not convinced of the merits of mother tongue instruction.

Yet Bantu education was not out of line with what many Western scholars regard the best educational practice. Developed countries teach their children in the mother tongue because they are convinced that such a policy is pedagogically much sounder. They also believe that it improves people’s ability to make a contribution to the economy than those taught in a second or third language. Many developing countries, by contrast, tend to use the colonial language of instruction because they believe, incorrectly as it happens, that it is a short cut to a good education and job opportunities.

In South Africa the results of Bantu education between the mid-1950s and mid-1970s was positive, measured by pass rates. Kathleen Heugh, an acknowledged authority on language use in education, writes: "Between 1955 and 1975, there was a steady improvement in the achievement in literacy and numeracy… Eight years of MTE resourced with terminological development, text-book production, competent teacher education and competent teaching of English, resulted in a school-leaving pass rate of 83.7% for African students in 1976. This is the highest pass rate to date."[16]

One of the reasons for the disastrous downturn in black education after 1976 is the introduction of a policy that limited mother tongue education to the first three years, which is generally accepted as quite inadequate. Heugh concludes: apartheid’s education policy consisted of two phases. The first part, up to 1976, worked to the educational advantage of black students; the second part, from 1976 on, to their disadvantage, with mother tongue education limited to three or four years.[17]

Based on racist assumptions?

Those who charge Verwoerd with implementing a policy with racist assumptions usually base it on a reading of his speech in parliament in 1953 when he introduced the policy. Here Verwoerd attacked the existing policy, which, in his words, showed the black man ‘the green pastures of the European but still did not allow him to graze there’. By that he meant pupils were provided with skills that employers did not want from black workers.

He criticised the existing policy as uneconomic, because money was spent on education with no clear aim. This frustrated educated blacks, who were unable to find the jobs they wanted. He said: ‘Education should have its roots entirely in the Native areas and in the Native environment and the Native community … The Bantu must be guided to serve his own community in all respects. There is no place for him in the European community above the level of certain forms of labour. Within his own community, however, all doors are open.’

This comment is quoted in virtually every article on the subject. It is often distorted by quoting only the first part – ‘There is no place for him in the European community above certain forms of labour’ – and by omitting the qualifier that Verwoerd added: ‘Within his own community, however, all doors are open.’ [18]

Today the first part of the quote sounds very harsh, but it was not out of line with existing policy. A study states: ‘The overwhelming demand among urban employers was for workers with basic literacy, who could be employed as unskilled labour. In most cases "tribal labour" was preferred.'[19] There was little demand for blacks who had completed the more advanced standards.

The previous United Party government had also seen little need for the training of large numbers of black artisans for employment in the common area. The policy emphasised the training of whites for skilled labour in the so-called "white areas". Blacks could only expect to do skilled work in the reserves. In terms very similar to those Verwoerd would use later, the secretary of the Department of Native Affairs told the De Villiers Commission on Technical and Vocational Training in 1947 that ‘the unfolding of extensive government development schemes’ in the reserves would produce a large number of skilled posts.[20]

White supremacy was clearly incompatible with a steadily rising, better educated, urbanized black population moving up to strategic levels of the economy. Recognizing this, J.G. Strijdom, Transvaal NP leader, warned D.F Malan in 1946 that it would be impossible to maintain racial discrimination if the quality of education of the subordinate people was steadily improved. ‘Our church ministers,’ he added, ‘were far too eager to compete with other missionary societies in trying to provide the most education to blacks.’ If the state in the future tried to withhold equal rights from educated people it would lead to ‘bloody clashes and revolutions.'[21]

To put it in non-racist terms, by modernizing the provision of education to the subordinates, however incompletely, the apartheid state ran the risk of sowing the seeds of its own destruction. An opinion survey conducted in 1981 showed that black children’s rejection of segregation steadily increased with higher education levels. About half of the children with only 4 years of schooling said whites could keep their own housing areas and schools, against only a third of those in Standards 7 to 9, and only one tenth of those in Std 10 and higher. See Table 1.[22]

Table 1: Black political responses (%) according to level of education – 1981

Whites can have their own…

Std 2 or below

Std 3-6

Std 7-9

Std 10 and above

Laws against mixed marriages





Own housing areas





Own schools










Recreation facilities





Transport and Buses





Note: Only percentages accepting segregation are given

Source: Hermann Giliomee and Lawrence Schlemmer, From Apartheid to Nation-building, p.119

Yet for the Afrikaner nationalists to deny the subordinates a proper education would undermine their conception that they were serious in their commitment to rehabilitate the subordinate population. Verwoerd’s compromise would be to expand black education greatly, with the provision that it be closely linked to lower level jobs in the economy and, in the case of skilled work, to service to the black community.

The first half of Verwoerd’s formulation in 1953 affirmed what was already the situation on the ground. Blacks had always been excluded from skilled or other advanced jobs and the central state bureaucracy. What was new was, as a recent study noted, ‘Verwoerd’s aim of creating new opportunities for blacks in the homelands and what was called ‘serving their own people’.

It is ironic that Verwoerd today is branded as a racist when he was the only member of NP government in the 1950s who, as far as I know, is on record explicitly rejecting racist assumptions. In his class notes, as Professor of Sociology at the University of Stellenbosch between 1927 and 1936, he dismissed the idea of biological differences among the ‘big races’, adding that because there were no differences, "this was not really a factor in the development of a higher civilization by the Caucasian race." He also rejected the notion of different innate abilities. He observed that what appeared to be differences in skills in the case of Europeans and Africans were simply differences in culture due to historical experience.[23]

In the first few weeks of his term as Minister of Native Affairs Verwoerd made an astounding proposal, which historians surprisingly have ignored. It shows that he initially did not intend to limit opportunities for blacks to do advance jobs to the homelands. Verwoerd became Minister for Native Affairs on 19 October 1950, and six weeks later, on 5 December had a meeting took place at his request with the members of the Native Representative Council, which included several leading ANC members. Stating that he expected large numbers of blacks to remain in the big cities for many years, he announced that government planned to give blacks ‘the greatest possible measure of self-government’ in these urban areas. All the work in these townships would have to be done by their own people, enabling blacks to pursue ‘a full life of work and service.’

For this reason, Verwoerd continued, blacks had to be educated to be sufficiently competent in many spheres, the only qualification being that they would have to place their development and their knowledge exclusively at the service of their own people. Verwoerd invited the NRC members to meet him after the session for a ‘comprehensive interview’ about these matters and to put forward proposals, offering a prompt reply from government to their representations.[24]

This was a fateful turning point in South African politics. A new field for black politics could have been opened up if this offer had been accepted, particularly if it set in motion a political process that could have entailed talks between government and the urban black leadership on the election of urban black councils, the formula for the allocation of revenue, the staffing of the local councils’ bureaucracy, property ownership and opportunities for black business. It would have opened up a whole new area for the development of black managerial and administrative capacity, something that country would sorely lack when whites handed over power in 1994.

Discouraging the teaching of Mathematics and Science?

In his 1953 speech Verwoerd also remarked that it made little sense to teach mathematics to a black child if he or she could not use it in a career. Probably taking its cue from these words, a recent study alleges that as a result mathematics was no longer taught as ‘a core subject in black schools’.[25] In fact, the policy did not change and mathematics continued to be a school subject.[26] The small number of blacks who matriculated with a school-leaving certificate remained steady. From 1958 to 1965 a total of only 431 black matriculants passed mathematics.[27]

The main problem was a lack of qualified teachers in key subjects, particularly the natural sciences and mathematics. Nevertheless, the overall impression of scholars writing in the 1960s was of a definite improvement in the provision of mass education and the general standard of literacy, contrary to the popular perception today.

A 1968 study by Muriel Horrell of the SA Institute of Race Relations was critical of Bantu Education, especially its use of mother-tongue instruction, but wrote approvingly of the syllabi. Those for primary classes were ‘educationally sound’ and an improvement of the previous syllabi, while those for the junior and the senior certificate were the same as those used for white children.[28] Ken Hartshorne also states that the syllabuses were ‘very much the same as those used in white provincial schools and were an improvement on those in use previously’.[29]

Deliberately starving Bantu education of funds

Strong criticism has been directed at the insufficient and discriminatory funding of black education. The common assumption is that the blame for this dreadful discrepancy lies squarely with the policy as announced by Verwoerd. He stated that the state’s allocation to black education would be pegged at R13 million; any additional money had to come from direct taxes that blacks paid (2 million). As a result the gap in the ratio of white to black per capita spending widened in these years from 7 to 1 1953 to 18 to 1 in 1969.

But it would be wrong to concentrate only on the racial gap in per capita spending. What firstly should be taken into account was major increase in the number of black pupils, the figure rising from 800 000 in 1950 to 2,75 million in 1970. This drastically affected the per capita spending on blacks. Secondly the spending on school buildings, along with other capital spending, was in the case of black education not brought into the budget of the education department, as was the case in white education, but in that of the Department of Public Works. It is estimated that capital expenditure represented roughly 15 to 20 per cent of the spending on black education if all expenses had been brought into the budget for black education.

Table 2: State spending on education 1952 to 1987 in real 1987 rands (‘000s)



% change


% change


% change


% change


874 582


99 706


27 319


144 385



969 553


122 561


38 213


165 776



1 280 105


146 742


49 960


169 532



1 747 764


289 399


97 031


254 344



2 719 104


357 346


152 092


476 671



3 181 656


523 088


220 598


640 922



4 098 822


807 884


390 698


1 959 922



3 320 700


1 007 569


404 647


3 400 250


Note: Black figures include TBVC states.

Source: Hermann Giliomee and Lawrence Schlemmer From Apartheid to Nation-building, p.106. Researched and complied by Monica Bot.

Finally and perhaps most importantly the policy on pegging education funding to the revenue from black taxpayers was not implemented as announced by Verwoerd. From the table above it can be inferred that the policy was adhered to only between 1957 and 1962, when there was an increase of only 2 % on spending. In the next five years, between 1962 to1967, spending grew by nearly 50%. The government had accepted that the great increases in the enrolment of black pupils had made the policy quite unrealistic. According to Joubert Rousseau, later a Director General of Bantu Education, Verwoerd secured approval for the amount allocated to black education to be supplemented from the loan account. The loans were never paid back.[30]

A serious problem affecting the implementation of the policy was the inability to attract a sufficient number of black teachers to meet the growing demand for education. A recent study passes a measured judgement of the system: ‘The experience of black schooling during the 1950-70 period was one of partial modernization, generating a higher enrolment of black pupils, without providing additional teaching resources at a comparable rate.’ [31] It is to be doubted that the main opposition party in parliament, also subject to white electoral pressure, would have substantially narrowed the gap in per capita at a much faster rate.

The table gives a good indication of apartheid’s rhythm. The severity of the 1950s, particularly as far as blacks were concerned; the slow relative improvement in state spending on blacks in the 1960s and the substantial increases in expenditure between 1970 and the end of the 1990s, particularly in the periods from 1977 and 1982.[32]

Vewoerd in perspective

Any assessment of Hendrik Verwoerd can only be done within the context of his times. He was an academic who was impressed with the way in which social scientists in the USA between the World Wars sought to find ways in which the modernisation of society could occur without intensifying conflict between ethnic groups and classes. He believed that the modernisation of the South African economy after the Second World War made it imperative to establish a system of public education for blacks that would provide literacy and numeracy for blacks, who in the 1950s, could not hope to progress further than semi-skilled jobs in industry. No one foresaw the very rapid economic growth in the 1960s.

Phasing out the state subsidies to some top black schools like Lovedale and Healdtown was a bitter blow to members of the urbanised black elite, intensifying its resolve to reject the apartheid system outright. Yet for twenty years after its introduction Bantu education encountered little black opposition, with black parents failing to heed the calls for school boycotts. This opposition only surfaced in the mid-1970s after the policy had been adapted to enable large numbers of black children to advance to much higher standards than was possible in the preceding decades. Inevitably this was accompanied by the increasing politicisation of the pupils as JG Strijdom had warned.

Was Verwoerd sincere in his stated commitment to educate blacks for service to their own community?David (Lang David) de Villiers, who was one of the top advocates in the 1960s, worked closely with him in the 1960s preparing South Africa’s case in the dispute over South Africa’s mandate of South West Africa that was heard by the World Court, He judgment was that it was totally alien to Verwoerd’s character to mislead.[33] He made it abundantly clear that defending and promoting white interests was unambiguously his priority.

As far as Bantu education was concerned, he never seemed to understand that blacks in the top rate mission schools resented the loss of the identity of the schools as much as the Afrikaners would have done if an alien government had changed the character of a Paul Roos Gymnasium or Paarl Gymnasium.

Unlike many supporters of the National Party, Verwoerd did not consider well-educated blacks a threat as long as they directed their aspirations to their traditional "homelands". But the Bantustans were not necessarily the end of the road. When a follower questioned the wisdom of establishing new black university colleges, he replied: ‘We shall have to negotiate frequently with [blacks] in the future over many issues, including education and politics. It would be better to negotiate with people who are well informed and educated.'[34] He died in 1966 just when it became clear that the homelands had no or little hope of becoming viable states.

Despite the elimination of racial disparities in spending and classroom numbers black public education is in such a dismal state that, in the words of an authority like Mamphela Ramphele, it compares poorly with the Bantu Education of the 1950s and 1960s. The black matric pass rate of 1975 has not yet been emulated. The fault seems to lie somewhere else.


The article firstly posed the question whether Verwoerd abolished a functioning system. To that the answer was that there were a few well functioning church schools, but the rest of the system was in drastic need of overhaul. Was the policy based on racist assumptions? If by racism is meant the ideology of a biologically-based distinction between superior and inferior abilities the answer is negative. The policy discriminated against blacks by insisting that they would be able to do advanced forms of work only in the homelands. Studies found that the syllabi of schools in the higher standard were the same as those in white schools. The increasingly high disparity between the per capita expenditure on white and black pupils was related above all to the rapid increase in black numbers. As table 2 indicates actual spending increased rapidly after 1962. If capital expenditure, which was put on the budget of another department is added, the increases were quite substantial.

A character in Julian Barnes’ novel, The Sense of an Ending, which won the 2011 Man Booker Prize remarks: If one can pin the blame on a single person no else is really guilty; but if one blames a process everyone is somehow complicit. Blaming Verwoerd for the current failures of black education seems to be so much easier. The alternative view — that we are all complicit — is perhaps too ghastly to contemplate.

*Hermann Giliomee’s The Last Afrikaner Leaders: A Crucial Test of Power (Tafelberg) will appear at the end of October this year (see here).

This article was published with the assistance of the Friedrich-Naumann-Stiftung für die Freiheit (FNF). The views presented in the article are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of FNF.


[1] X Press, 25 July 2012.

[2] The Citizen, 23 July 2012.

[3] Sunday Times, 29 July 2012.

[4] SA Time, 25 July 2012.

[5] Rodney Davenport and Christopher Saunders, South Africa: A Modern History (London: Macmillan, 20000, p. 674.

[6] Cape Times, 18 May 1939.

[7]Jonathan Hyslop, The Class Room Struggle: Policy and Resistance in South Africa, 1940-1990 (Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press, 1999), pp. 8-11.

[8] RFA Hoernlé, South African Native Policy and the Liberal Spirit (Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press, 1939), p. 18.

[9] Cynthia Kros, ‘Deep rumblings: ZK Matthews and African education before 1955, Perspectives in Education, 12, 1 (1990), p.35.

[10] Peter Walshe, The rise of African Nationalism in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 191971), pp. 150-52.

[11] Die Burger,16 March 1957.

Mail, 16 March 2012.

[13] T Dunbar Moodie, The Rise of Afrikanerdom (Berkeley: Universityo f Californai Press, 1975, p.272.

[14] Cited by Braam, "A Boost for Mother-tongue education’.

[15] Joubert Rousseau, ‘Iets oor Bantoe Onderwys’, in Wilhelm Verwoerd (compiler), Verwoerd: So onthou ons hom(Pretoria: Protea, 2001), p.175/

[16] Kathleen Heugh, "Multilingual Education Policy in South Africa constrained by theoretical and historical disconnections", paper due to be published in Annual Review of Applied Linguistics.

[17] Kathleen Heugh,. 1999. Languages, development and reconstructing education in South Africa. International Journal of Educational Development19, 1999, pp. 301-313

[18] AN Pelzer, ed., Verwoerd Speaks (Johannesburg: APB, 1968), p.83.

[19]Deborah Posel, The Making of Apartheid (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), p. 186.

[20] Hyslop, The Class Room Struggle, pp. 4-5.

[21] H.B. Thom, D.F. Malan (Cape Town: Tafelberg, 1980), p. 279.

[22] Hermann Giliomee and Lawrence Schlemmer, From Apartheid to Nation-building (Cape Town: Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 119.

[23] Millar, ‘Science and Society’, pp. 638 – 646.

[24] Pelzer, ed., Verwoerd Speaks, pp.28-30.

[25] Francis Wilson, Dinosaurs, Diamonds and Democracy(Cape Town: Umuzi, 2009), p. 88.

[26] Rousseau, ‘Iets oor Bantoe Onderwys’, p. 177.

[27] Horrell, Bantu Education to 1968, p.72; Rousseau, ‘Iets oor Bantoe-onderwys’, in Verwoerd (compiler), Verwoerd, p. 177.

[28] Muriel Horrell, Bantu Education to 1968 (Johannesburg: SA Institute of Race Relations, 1968), p. 58-59, 71.

[29] Ken Hartshorne, Crisis and Challenge: Black Education, 1910 -1960 (Cape Town: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 41.

[30] Rousseau, ‘Iets oor Bantoe-Onderwys’, p. 172,

[31] JW Fedderke, R de Kadt and J Lutz ‘Uneducating South Africa: The Failure to address the need for human capital’, International Review of Education , 46. 3, 2000, pp.257-81

[32] Giliomee and Schlemmer, From Apartheid to Nation-building, p.106.

[33] David de Villiers, ‘Die Wereldhofsaak in Den Haag’,Verwoerd: So onthou ons hom, .144.

[34] Gilles van de Wall, ‘Verwoerd, die Hervormer,’ Verwoerd, so onthou ons hom, p.166.

Source: http://www.politicsweb.co.za/news-and-analysis/education-in-sa-is-verwoerd-to-blame

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